Why: : wCap made you Write ‘meet the upper castes‘? A: : To some extent, this also comes from my life experiences because I did not grow up in an upper caste family. I come from an inter-caste marriage between a Scheduled Caste mother and an OBC father. And neither of those sides of the family had a tradition of intergenerational literacy and what you would call high culture. But he was an immigrant from Punjab. They were raising their children in Kolkata. So I was exposed to a world that was not native to me. And as I grew up, I realized that there was a world that was all around me, but I didn’t have access to it. And that world always seemed much bigger than my own world. It seemed full of very interesting people talking about books, culture, art, the ‘higher orders of things’. When I looked at my family and the people around me, the concerns were very mundane, very existential. And as a young person…, I really wanted to escape that world orbit. And over time I began to realize that much of that world revolved around politics and the display of caste. This was the world of the upper castes. It was a world where they decided what was legitimate, what was worth talking about, what was authentic and what was fake. And no matter how hard I tried, I couldn’t fit into that world… Eventually I moved into academia and got into cultural studies and studied a fair amount of cultural anthropology as a method. I understood that when it comes to caste, sociology and anthropology departments in India are full of these books and theses that center Dalit communities, tribal communities, even OBC communities. A lot of interesting work has been done on that. But the world of the upper castes...Not much anthropological work has been done there. And one reason for this is that it is very inaccessible. For example, it is easy to go to a city slum and do research, do field work there, and interview people. You can’t try to do this by going to a gated community in Gurgaon or Bangalore…. But more importantly, it was like this academic blind spot where you have all the great writers, thinkers, intellectuals in civil society, in media, in academia, and they are all writing about caste, but they are not writing about their own castes and communities. And it’s almost as if their gaze is always outward, never inward. And I think it’s the culmination of these different aspects that brought me to this place where I started writing and theorizing about the upper castes. And it started with articles for various digital media platforms, where I was trying to create a series called ‘Like a Savarna’… and one of the articles there, ‘Dating Like a Savarna’, I felt I had written a very non-controversial article. This is just a little bit about how race, dating, and intimacy overlap. And I got an overwhelming response. A tremendous campaign was run on social media. I was called different names. And it affected my professional life, my university where I was working. I also had to suffer some consequences for this. And part of that response also made me realize that this is actually a very engaged conversation. It made me a little more determined to write it. Why: : Yyou are Now I am taking this book around Your domain location. How do you navigate it? A: : This is very challenging. The book begins very close to a memoir because I was focusing myself and my eyes on the book. As you go deeper into it, it becomes more social. This is not just a book about caste. It is also a book about this period of time… from the late 90s, early 2000s to Covid, 2020, 2022, because this was the period where the broad consensus was that India was doing well as a story, that we were on the rise, that this was our rise to superstar superpowerdom. And it was almost everywhere that you couldn’t say anything negative or you couldn’t say that the emperor had no clothes. Because then they will yell at you and say that you are being disagreeable. I’ve tried to theorize about this through the idea of ​​the glass floor in the book. So if I am under the glass floor and what you are calling the story of shining India is happening above the glass floor in the upper caste world, then that world looks very different to us… But there is almost a cost involved. My career as an academic has suffered a setback. It’s almost as if you’re always carrying a target on your back. Any right-wing reactionary group can take the title of the book and create all kinds of discussions around it. So it certainly comes with a challenging, loaded responsibility… I also want to say that a lot of understanding and love has been received from the upper castes also. A lot of people have read the book and then come back to me, not out of anger or bitterness, but through some kind of idea that, OK, I’m going to do some soul-searching now and I’m looking at myself. Why: : Iit Great moment in history that you catch From modern India, but you too make visible a young and modern audience using their penises. A: : When I was in college in the early 2000s, we were told that the 21st century was the century of Asia, India and China… There were jobs, the tech sector was booming, real estate was booming. Hollywood was paying attention to us. By every conceivable popular narrative. It seemed as if we were moving. And we had to achieve superpower status by 2020, because that is what APJ Abdul Kalam told us. Now that date has been shifted back to 2047... When 2020 comes, forget about being a superpower, it is going to be one of the most challenging years for the republic. It opens with the Shaheen Bagh protests, it goes into Covid. That positivity has completely disintegrated. And on the other hand, it seems like we have emerged and we are starting to ask ourselves where did we go wrong? And I think the mistake we made was that over this 20-25 year period, the steering wheel of this story was put in the hands of a very specific group of elites who don’t even understand their own blind spots very much. So what I am trying to explain through this book is why the Indian story does not work, why while creating this system it has replicated these pocket enclaves of extreme privilege, where our cities are not livable, our policies are impractical, there is a political and existential crisis, there is a climate change crisis, all these things have intensified and all the fruits of this great success story that we thought we would get, we have not got. And I have tried to answer some of those questions, without saying ‘this is the way it is in India.’ The system is broken. Many times the analysis is hidden behind these sweeping statements – ‘everything is broken, everything is corrupt’. No, what does broken mean? who is in charge? Who are the people who are benefiting from these types of systems? What is his politics? What is their social and cultural inner life? And I think in this book I have tried to connect both of these things. This is not just a description of the upper castes, this is not just a book on caste. It’s about both of those things and also how they connect with policymaking and the larger trajectory of this moment that we had in India and it seems like we’ve kind of wasted it. So in many ways it’s also a book about the tragedy of a post-colonial state that had it all covered and promised itself it was going to transcend itself and reach higher levels and couldn’t do it. Why: : Teais here so a lot is being said which Needed be told in classes, In drawing room conversation, In fragments of public opinion. A: : In these places wherever knowledge is produced and wherever knowledge is distributed, there is almost an absence of any kind of ethnic diversity. As a result, what has happened is that the structure has become unaware of itself. Many well-intentioned upper caste intellectuals, thinkers, progressives often misdiagnose and misunderstand what they themselves are presenting. So then the criticism just becomes right versus left, progressive versus conservative. Whereas if you look at it from the caste structure, in many of these cases, conservatives and progressives are often people from the same family WhatsApp group… The way we think about caste is fundamentally through stories of oppression, through the idea of ​​suffering and exclusion. And don’t get me wrong, these need to be documented and talked about again and again endlessly. But the system through which it mediates, through which it operates, is the upper caste system. And there is a kind of compassion in that. There’s a kind of absurdity to it… one way to deal with the pitifulness and tragedy of caste and the absurdity of it is to resort to a little bit of humor because otherwise it becomes too heavy and too intense and you can’t deal with it. So it is also a symbol of a certain dysfunction in society. This is the code that has gone wrong on which the system operates. And you see all these efforts to write it and get it right and make it work right in xyz, but the code is somewhere else. The system is working at a different level… and my effort in writing this book is to hopefully make the upper castes look at themselves a little, meet themselves a little, so that they can understand themselves a little and so they can understand the systems that they have created a little better.

गंगा किनारे एक आरती स्थल पर उस वक्त हड़कंप मच गया जब वहां करीब सात फीट लंबा कॉपरहेड सांप निकल आया। आरती स्थल जैसे भीड़-भाड़ वाले इलाके में अचानक सांप दिखने से लोग डर गए और कुछ देर के लिए अफरा-तफरी का माहौल बन गया.

Iran warns UAE ports: Escalation in Gulf conflict amid war with US-Israel threatens global trade

Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has reportedly threatened to bomb the $30,000,000,000 Stargate AI data center. The IRGC has released a video threatening to attack the 1GW Stargate AI datacenter in the UAE. Iranian video shows IRGC-linked warning of attack on 1GW Stargate UAE AI datacenter in Abu Dhabi. The warning uses satellite imagery to reveal its desert location. Stargate UAE is a major AI computing cluster planned as one of the largest outside the US, with an initial 200MW phase to be expanded to 1GW in 2026. The Stargate project is backed by Japan’s SoftBank, US technology giants – Oracle, Cisco, Nvidia, OpenAI – and the UAE’s G42. The action is said to signal Iran’s shift toward asymmetric targeting of high-value Western technology assets in the Gulf amid regional tensions, highlighting the strategic vulnerability of data centers beyond traditional military sites.A spokesman for Iran’s Khatam al-Anbia headquarters said in a video message, “Should the US proceed with its threats regarding Iran’s power plant facilities, the following retaliatory measures will be immediately implemented. All power plants, energy infrastructure, and information and communications technologies of the Zionist regime, and all similar companies in the region in which the US has shareholders, will face complete destruction.”The video also featured this text: “Nothing is hidden from our sight, even if Google hides it.” It then pointed to Stargate’s location in the UAE and showed a photo of American CEOs of the project’s key partner companies, including Nvidia, OpenAI, Microsoft and Goldman Sachs.

What is Stargate UAE and what makes it ‘important’

Stargate is one of the most high profile Artificial Intelligence (AI) project announced by US President Donald Trump. The US President had announced the project in the Oval Office on the first day. He said that this will create thousands of American jobs. The Stargate agreement was announced during the visit of US President Donald Trump to the UAE in May 2025. According to the US Department of Commerce, this marks the largest data center deployment outside the United States. The project expands the footprint of American AI and cloud companies in the Middle East. OpenAI, Nvidia, Cisco and local champions G42 were part of the Trump administration’s announcement for the Stargate project. “By extending the world-leading American technology stack to a key strategic partner in the region, this agreement is a major milestone in achieving President Trump’s vision for American AI dominance,” Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick said in a statement at the announcement. The UAE has also said that it wants to become a global leader in artificial intelligence by 2031.The warning video follows previous threats by the IRGC to target US companies operating in the Middle East, including Microsoft, Apple, Google and Meta. Similar to the warning issued in March, 18 US companies were targeted, including technology and finance companies. The warning calls these companies ‘terrorist companies’ and accuses them of spying for the US government. x.com/FurkanGozukara/status/2039986135405932656?s=20On Thursday, April 2, some reports claimed that the IRGC had bombed Oracle’s datacenter in Dubai. The UAE’s official media denied the report and described it as ‘fake and fabricated’.

This image is used for representation purpose only (AI-generated)

New Delhi: As West Bengal gears up for the 2026 assembly elections, ‘Mache Bhate Bengali’, a common phrase that used to dominate every Bengali’s household, has now moved into the political arena.With this, it has become a symbol of identity, culture and pride, shaping the narrative of the high-stakes electoral battle. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee enhanced this sentiment by taking aim at a rally in Purulia. BJP. He said, “They won’t let you eat fish. You can’t eat meat, can’t eat eggs, you can’t talk in Bengali. If you do that they will call you Bangladeshi.”

.

Fish, long considered the lifeline of West Bengal, is now at the center of this story. It is a staple of almost every Bengali’s thali, but now it has gone beyond cuisine and become a symbol of cultural connection.The phrase ‘Mache Bhate Bangla’ which means Bengali is defined by fish and rice, has crossed over from the kitchen to the political arena, showing how everyday traditions are now shaping the state’s election campaign framework.

fish on promotional menu

In the election season of West Bengal, the fish has gone from the dinner plate to the center of the political web.Trinamool Congress (TMC) is using it to tap into Bengali pride, while the BJP is struggling not to get caught on the wrong side of the ‘Machhale Bhate Bengali’ sentiment.From Katla fish being prominent in road shows to Ilish, Pabda and Chingri getting a prominent place in speeches, fish has emerged as a powerful metaphor. It is now a symbol of identity, culture and the question of who actually represents the “real” Bengali.The TMC has weaponized this sentiment, arguing that the BJP, associated with the Hindi-speaking, vegetarian-first politics of North India, is culturally alien to Bengal.

.

Mamata Banerjee made this point at a rally: “If BJP comes to power, they will ban meat and fish in Bengal. I saw the Deputy CM of Bihar saying that fish and meat cannot be sold in open markets. Only those who have a license can sell meat indoors. So, will everyone sell meat and fish in shopping malls? Only a few have the economic strength to do so. Most fish sellers sell fresh fish on the streets here. They sell it and earn their living from this. I condemn this politics.”By building the campaign around Bengali identity, TMC has shifted its focus towards cultural nationalism. Thus, fish is no longer just a dish served in every household; It is a symbol of Bengali pride.

Pak nationalism and social media

TMC’s social media has amplified this narrative by posting pictures of Ilish Bhapa, Pabda Jhal, Chingri Malai Curry, Kosha Mangsho and other dishes.Ahead of Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s 15-day visit to Bengal, the party tweeted: “Bengal welcomes tourists. Don’t miss our dishes. We highly recommend: Muri Ghonto, Pabda Macher Jhal, Ilish Bhapa, Chingri Malai Curry, Bhetki Paturi, Kosha Mangsho. Have a pleasant stay!”Political analyst Maidul Islam said, “Within that Bengali project, eating fish is an important element. When fish markets elsewhere are attacked, or Hindi-speaking leaders turn up their noses at fish, it becomes a campaign issue. TMC is saying that it is an organic party of Bengalis and hence it is associated with Bengali food habits.

In West Bengal, fish is more than food. It marks life events: from a child’s first eating of rice, to gifts at weddings, to meals after bereavement.According to PTI, World Bank data shows that West Bengal consumes 8.36 lakh tonnes of fish annually, almost double the national average and fish and meat together account for about one-fifth of household food expenditure.For many, attempts to impose vegetarian or homophobic food habits from outside the state raise fears of cultural invasion.A Kolkata-based Indologist said, “For Bengalis, fish is not just food. It is memory, ritual and identity. To challenge it is to make West Bengal look foreign.”Kaushik Maiti of Bengali nationalist organization Bangla Pokkho said: “Fish is part of the Bengali identity. But the BJP wants to impose the vegetarian food culture of North India, we oppose it.”

BJP’s fish dilemma

BJP says that TMC is creating fear. Leaders say there is no proposal to ban fish or meat in West Bengal. Nevertheless, the perception is quite strong that BJP candidates are now campaigning with fish in hand.Bidhannagar BJP candidate Sharadwat Mukherjee walked around the neighborhood carrying five kilos of Katla fish with him and assured voters that the BJP would never interfere in Bengali food habits.In Pandaveshwar, BJP candidate Jitendra Nath Tiwari filed nomination papers with a “fish procession”, with supporters walking with baskets while they held bigger baskets in their hands. He said, “If promoting the culture of West Bengal is a drama, then I am proud of this drama.”Political analyst Suman Bhattacharya said, “The perception that the BJP is against fish and non-vegetarian food has become so strong that party leaders now have to eat fish in public and campaign with it. This shows how their vegetarian politics did not work elsewhere in West Bengal.”State BJP president Samik Bhattacharya stressed: “There is no question of banning fishing. Bengalis will eat fish and Biharis will eat mutton. If anyone tries to stop me, I will protest.”TMC’s story gets strengthened by incidents in BJP ruled states. Earlier, Bihar Deputy CM’s comment Vijay Kumar Sinha Bans on meat near schools and places of worship and prior controversies over meat shops and fish markets add to fears that a North Indian vegetarian-first cultural model may be imposed in Bengal.In January, a vendor was allegedly attacked for selling chicken patties near a religious congregation in Kolkata. The controversy deepened due to this incident.

As the elections are heating up, the West Bengal Assembly elections are not just about seats, governance or development, they are also about identity, culture and cuisine.The simple fish, a culinary staple, has emerged as a political symbol, showing that in Bengal, thali and politics are inextricably linked.As TMC spokesperson Tanmay Ghosh said: “Meat and fish eaters can be Nobel laureates, scholars, entrepreneurs and rebels who change history with the pen, not violence… Linking eating habits to ‘violent tendencies’ is a moral imposition. India’s strength lies in pluralism, diversity and constitutional freedoms – not in controlling plates.”Elections for 294 seats in West Bengal will be held in two phases: April 23 (152 constituencies) and April 29 (142), and the results will be declared on May 4.

उत्तर प्रदेश के अमेठी जिले के जायस नगर पालिका परिषद क्षेत्र में शुक्रवार सुबह एक बड़ा हादसा टल गया। नेशनल हाईवे रायबरेली-सुल्तानपुर मार्ग पर स्थित एक चाय की दुकान में अचानक आग लग गई, जिससे आसपास के इलाके में अफरा-तफरी मच गई. आग इतनी भीषण थी कि कुछ ही देर में पूरी गुमटी धुएं और आग की लपटों से घिर गई। घटना के दौरान खोखे में रखा गैस सिलेंडर भी फट गया, जिससे लोगों में दहशत फैल गई। हालांकि, राहत की बात यह है कि इस हादसे में किसी की मौत नहीं हुई और समय रहते आग पर काबू पा लिया गया.

सुबह अचानक आग लगने से हड़कंप मच गया
जानकारी के मुताबिक यह घटना नेशनल हाईवे पर लाइटहाउस के सामने स्थित बन्ने खां की बंद पड़ी चाय की गुमटी में हुई. सुबह जब लोग अपने काम में व्यस्त थे तो अचानक गुमटी से धुआं उठता दिखा। देखते ही देखते आग ने विकराल रूप धारण कर लिया और आसपास मौजूद लोगों में हड़कंप मच गया।

फायर ब्रिगेड और स्थानीय लोगों ने मोर्चा संभाला
आग लगने की सूचना तुरंत फायर ब्रिगेड को दी गई. सूचना मिलते ही फायर ब्रिगेड की टीम मौके पर पहुंची और आग बुझाने का काम शुरू किया. इस दौरान नगर पालिका कर्मचारी और स्थानीय निवासी भी मदद के लिए आगे आये. सभी की मेहनत और सूझबूझ से कड़ी मशक्कत के बाद आग पर काबू पाया गया.

गुमटी पूरी तरह जलकर राख हो गई
हालांकि, जब तक आग पर काबू पाया गया, तब तक पूरा लकड़ी का खोखा जलकर राख हो गया। आग से खोखे में रखा सारा सामान भी जलकर नष्ट हो गया। इस हादसे से गुमटी मालिक को भारी नुकसान हुआ है.

सिलेंडर फटने से खतरा बढ़ गया
आग लगने के दौरान खोखे में रखा गैस सिलेंडर तेज धमाके के साथ फट गया और दूर जा गिरा। इस धमाके से मौके पर मौजूद लोगों में भगदड़ मच गई. अच्छी बात यह रही कि उस वक्त गुमटी बंद थी, जिससे कोई जनहानि नहीं हुई. यदि खोखा खुला होता तो बड़ा हादसा हो सकता था।

(रिपोर्ट:बृजेश मिश्र,अमेठी)

{“_id”:”69cfbc0d69bc53fd710188f6″,”स्लग”:”योगेंद्र-रावत-नियुक्त-आईजी-कुंभ-और-श्वेता-चौबे-नियुक्त टेड-एसएसपी-टिहरी-उत्तराखंड-समाचार-2026-04-03″,”प्रकार”:”कहानी”,”स्थिति”:”प्रकाशित करें”,”शीर्षक_एचएन”:”उत्तराखंड: योगेन्द्र रावत आईजी कुंभ और श्वेता चौबे एसएसपी टिहरी नियुक्त, संभालेंगी आईआरबी द्वितीय का प्रभार”,”श्रेणी”:{“शीर्षक”:”शहर और राज्य”,”शीर्षक_एचएन”:”शहर और राज्य”,”स्लग”:”शहर-और-राज्य”}}

श्वेता चौबे
– फोटो: सोशल मीडिया

योगेन्द्र रावत को आईजी कुंभ और श्वेता चौबे को एसएसपी टिहरी बनाया गया। आयुष अग्रवाल को एसएसपी कुंभ बनाया गया. वहीं विशाखा अशोक भदाणे को आईआरबी द्वितीय का प्रभार दिया गया।

ट्रेंडिंग वीडियो

यह वीडियो/विज्ञापन हटाएं

ये भी पढ़ें…हरिद्वार: एक तरफा प्यार की सनक में युवक ने भागते समय खुद को मारी गोली, की आत्महत्या