New Delhi: The Congress Finally, the suspense in Kerala ended on Wednesday. Ten days after the UDF’s historic mandate, VD Satheesan was named Chief Minister. For a party that had just won 63 seats while the UDF alliance had won 102, the delay was not about numbers or alliance arithmetic. It was about Congress being unable to get out of its own way.Across the country, in West Bengal BJP The same thing was done in about 48 hours. Won 207 seats, a state for the first time in the party’s history, and before the celebrations could properly begin (or Mamata had resigned) Suvendu Adhikari was named CM.

A similar scene was seen in Assam also, where the saffron party won a massive mandate. There was never much doubt about the BJP’s choice for Chief Minister. Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has led the party to consecutive victories in the state and has also played a key role in expanding the BJP’s footprint in the North East, was the obvious choice.Also read: How 2026 Assam victory establishes ‘outsider’ Himanta as the party’s next generation leader?The two parties achieved historic victories in the same election cycle, yet they took completely different approaches afterward. One walks as if he has done this before. Others believe that she is struggling with internal turmoil even after securing a historic mandate.One side sees victory as the beginning of control; Others often consider it a conversation starter.So, what does BJP understand about victory that Congress has to re-learn?

BJP’s favorite trick

The BJP’s approach in choosing chief ministers since 2014 has been following a clear pattern. When the party wins a state, it often avoids choosing a clear contender. Instead, it gives the top post to someone who is not well known outside the state but has worked closely with the grassroots or local leadership.The idea behind this strategy is simple. This prevents regional powers from becoming too powerful. It also ensures that victory is seen as a mandate for the party and its central leadership and not for any local leader. Also, it sends a message to party workers that loyalty to the organization matters more than personal ambition.The track record supports it. When the BJP won Haryana in 2014, it went with first-time MLA Manohar Lal Khattar. when it was changed Vijay Rupani Another first-time MLA Bhupendra Patel got a job in Gujarat in 2021. In December 2023, after winning in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, the BJP sent a clear message about its changing leadership model. Despite winning big, veterans Vasundhara Raje, Shivraj Singh Chouhan and Raman Singh were left behind for the top post. Instead, the party chose relatively low-profile leaders, Bhajan Lal Sharma, Mohan Yadav and Vishnu Dev Sai, in a sign of preference for new faces over strong regional stalwarts. Add Tripura’s Biplab Deb, Uttarakhand’s Pushkar Singh Dhami, Manipur’s N Biren Singh and Tripura’s Manik Saha to the list. These were not household names outside their states. However, he was chosen to rule quietly under the national banner of the BJP while the central leadership held the real reins.The BJP sometimes allows strong regional leaders to emerge. Yogi Adityanath Uttar Pradesh is a clear example of this; Leaders like Devendra Fadnavis, who worked in the RSS ecosystem for decades, were also rewarded with the top post. But this usually happens when the party is already firmly established there.

What does Congress do instead?

Before delving into why these cases in Assam and Bengal differ from the party’s general approach, it is worth looking at what the BJP’s tightly controlled chief ministerial selection process is designed to avoid: prolonged public power struggles after electoral victory.This contradiction became visible after Karnataka in 2023, when the Indian National Congress spent several days in an open feud between Siddaramaiah and DK Shivakumar. Both the leaders lobbied the MLAs, both presented their views in Delhi and the internal competition came to the fore. Siddaramaiah eventually became the Chief Minister, while Shivakumar was made the Deputy Chief Minister; However, their rivalry continues to make headlines even today.This too was not an isolated incident. After victories in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh in 2018, the Congress turned every victory into a lengthy dialogue on leadership. There was a tough contest between Kamal Nath and Jyotiraditya Scindia for control in Madhya Pradesh. In Rajasthan, the feud between Ashok Gehlot and Sachin Pilot lasted longer than the government, almost leading to its fall in 2020.Now, in May 2026, the same drama played out in Kerala too. The Congress-led United Democratic Front won a major victory, securing 102 seats in the 140-member assembly, of which the Congress alone won 63 seats. But even after such a clear mandate, it took ten days for the party to announce VD Satheesan as the new Chief Minister of the state, while other poll-going states had already announced the name of their CM. The contest was reduced to three names: AICC general secretary KC Venugopal, leader of opposition in the assembly VD Satheesan and senior leader Ramesh Chennithala. Intense lobbying, competing camps and differing views within the party reportedly prolonged the process, while other states going to the polls had already named their chief ministers. Meetings between Rahul Gandhi, Mallikarjun Kharge and senior Congress leaders continued throughout the week, while the prolonged uncertainty led to memes, online ridicule and frustration among party workers.When the announcement finally came, Satheesan had long appeared to be the clear frontrunner.

First Himanta, then Suvendu

Then why did BJP deviate from its own strategy in both Assam and Bengal?The answer is simpler than it seems: it actually wasn’t. The playbook was never about casting unknown faces. It was about choosing people who would not dominate the central leadership or create independent power centres. Himanta Biswa Sarma is template. He joined the BJP from the Congress in 2015 and spent several years building the party’s footprint across the Northeast as convenor of the North East Democratic Alliance. By the time the BJP won Assam in 2021, he was a clear contender for the top spot. This was the reason why the party had the numbers to win. The central leadership recognized this and acted accordingly.

Suvendu Adhikari’s path to the post of Bengal CM is also based on this logic.Adhikari’s political career started in the Congress before moving to TMC with his family when Mamata Banerjee formed the party in 1998. He was at the center of the Nandigram movement in 2007, the movement that broke the Left Front’s hold on rural Bengal and made Mamata a genuine mass leader. He won the Tamluk Lok Sabha seat in 2009 and held it in 2014. In 2016, he moved into state politics, winning Nandigram and moving into Mamata’s cabinet as transport minister, later also handling irrigation and water resources. His split with TMC in late 2020, due to his uneasiness with the growing role of Mamata’s nephew Abhishek Banerjee within the party, was the biggest blow to TMC ahead of the 2021 elections. He joined the BJP in December 2020 at a rally in Midnapore along with Amit Shah.Then came the decisive moments. In 2021, he contested against Mamata Banerjee in her chosen constituency Nandigram and defeated her by 1,956 votes. Five years later, in 2026, he did it again, this time in Mamata’s traditional stronghold of Bhabanipur, defeating her by over 15,000 votes. He also won Nandigram.

Insider benefits

What makes Adhikari’s appointment particularly significant is not what he did to TMC, but what he knows about it.He spent more than two decades building the Trinamool Congress from the ground up. He knows how rural networks work, how district power structures operate, and who the key operators are at the booth level in many districts.This makes a lot of sense for what happens next. BJP’s victory in Bengal is not the end of the story; This is the beginning of a consolidation challenge. TMC’s grassroots organization, which was built hard over 15 years, did not disappear overnight when it lost the elections. Party workers, district leaders, local powerful people who used to run things under TMC, they are all still there, and many of them are now looking which way the wind is blowing.

what will happen next

In the end, the contradiction between Bengal and Kerala was not really about Suvendu Adhikari or VD Satheesan. It was about what happens inside two parties when victory comes.BJP considers power as a system. Decisions are centralized, hierarchy is clear and uncertainty is reduced. Sometimes this means surprising chief ministers. Sometimes, like in Assam and Bengal, it means recognizing when a leader becomes too politically important to ignore. But either way, the party moves quickly, projects authority and ensures that the focus remains on the organization.Congress is still struggling with that trend. Even after major victories, it often appears stuck in negotiations, balancing factions rather than controlling them. What should look like confidence starts looking like hesitation. BJP believes in seizing power and consolidating it; Congress still considers it something worth talking about and sharing. One has a system. Conversation takes place with others.

The US State Department has warned in its June 2026 visa bulletin that the dates for green card applicants from India may get pushed back.

The June 2026 Visa Bulletin published by the State Department offered little or no hope for Indian green card candidates as the queues grew longer, increasing wait times. To break this, India’s final action date for the EB-1 category was pushed back by three and a half months to December 15, 2022. In the EB-2 category, India’s final action date has been pushed back by more than 10 months to September 1, 2013.

What are EB-1 and EB-2?

EB-1 and EB-2 are two employment-based green card categories in the US immigration system. These are the most commonly used pathways by H-1Bs to apply for a green card. EB-1 is for people, researchers, and managers with exceptional ability. EB-2 is for people with advanced degrees like software engineers, data scientists, doctors, and researchers. The waiting period for EB-1 is shorter than that of EB-2 and EB-3.

What is the last action date?

The last action date mentioned in the monthly visa bulletin is an important marker for the movement. This date determines who can actually get green card approval this month. So this month, those who have the priority date for EB-1 green card before December 15, 2022, will get their permanent residence. For EB-2, people with a priority date before September 1, 2013 will get a green card this month. The priority date is the date the employer filed the PERM labor certification or the US received the I-140 petition.

Other developments in June Visa Bulletin

Why regression?

Retrogrades are dates that move back from previous dates when the quota is met. USCIS said: “High demand and use of the number by chargeable aliens to India in the EB-1 and EB-2 visa categories has made it necessary to push back the final action dates to keep the use of the number within the FY 2026 annual limit.” There have also been warnings of further retrogression, or the categories being made “unavailable” if India’s proportionate limits in the EB-1 or EB-2 categories are reached before the end of the fiscal year. The bulletin said that this situation will be continuously monitored and any necessary adjustments will be made accordingly.

Representative Image (AI-Generated)

With nearly 25 million births annually in the country, when it comes to maternal health, the discussion has moved from mere survival to creating healthy generations. The recent Times Future of Maternity 2026 summit held in New Delhi brought this change into sharp focus. Organized by Times Internet and Pregatips, the event brought together over 250 people, including policymakers, practitioners, public health experts and families, to examine how integrated, evidence-based and equitable care can shape the country’s demographic future.Setting the context for the show, former Minister of State for External Affairs and Culture Meenakshi Lekhi in her special address directly linked motherhood to national progress.“The future of motherhood is the future of a nation and it is also the future of humanity,” she said. Emphasizing that no country can call itself developed unless its women and children are taken care of, the former Minister of State argued that care should start from the mother.She also highlighted the cultural strength of India that provides continued support to experienced women even in poor homes, and cautioned against making pregnancy a source of fear through excessive medicalization.This broad approach flowed naturally into the first clinical discussions on “advancing evidence-driven maternal and newborn care.” Panelists examined why proven protocols often fail to deliver consistent results despite decades of global and national evidence.Professor (Dr) Aarti Maria, former Dean, ABVIMS and Dr Ram Manohar Lohia Hospital, emphasized that mother and newborn are inseparable and called for greater family awareness as well as zero separation after birth.Professor (Dr.) Jyotsna Suri, Consultant and Unit Head, Incharge Obstetric Critical Care, VMMC and Safdarjung Hospital highlighted the rapid decline in maternal mortality in India compared to the global decline, yet emphasized that postpartum haemorrhage, infection and hypertension are among the major preventable causes, hence the need for vigilant action at this crucial golden time.Dr Madhu Goyal, Director, Obstetrics & Gynaecology, Fortis La Fame, emphasized the fact that approximately 50 per cent of pregnancies in India are currently high risk, making early risk stratification and preventive strategies rather than purely medical responses as major game changers. Dr. Trupti Sharan, Director- Obstetrics and Gynecology; On the other hand, Head – High Risk Pregnancy, BLK Max Hospital emphasized that systematic screening, monitoring and early detection is the most effective intervention.score.The panel said that while the knowledge exists, the larger issue remains around standardizing practices and filling gaps in execution across multiple settings, from high-volume public hospitals to various private facilities.A standalone session on “Postpartum Nutrition and Recovery” by Saloni Arora, nutritionist and Founder of Femly, highlighted that recovery after delivery is not optional. According to Arora, eating the right diet helps regain strength and nutrient reserves, guided activity restores physical function, while mental health is known to aidFeelings of anxiety and fatigue. When addressed together, these elements enable mothers to provide more sustainable care for themselves and their babies. The panel on “How to strengthen antenatal, postnatal, breastfeeding and mental support systems” focused on the often neglected phase after delivery. Deepti Arora, Founder, Ever Bliss; Maternal; The FW leader described breastfeeding failures as system failures due to inadequate guidance rather than lack of knowledge.Dr Helai Gupta, Senior Consultant, Obstetrics and Gynaecology, Rosewalk Hospital, called postpartum care the most under-medicalized phase in a woman’s life, pointing to overlooked aspects such as hydration, mobility and sleep.Dr Juhi Rachel Baluja, consultant psychiatrist at St Stephen’s Hospital, said 15-20 per cent of mothers experience anxiety, and if left unchecked, the symptoms sometimes turn into depression. Dr. Rashmi Bawa, Founding Director of WellMom, focuses on structured prenatal education as a high-impact but low-cost intervention that prepares families and helps deal with anxiety. The conversations called for continuity of care, family involvement, and moving from child-centered to parent-centered support.A fiery conversation with Rahul Dutta, Group COO, Ankura Hospitals, highlights what true comprehensive care should include from pregnancy through paediatrics. This was followed by a “conversation” session on “India’s fertility transition: What it means for maternal care”, which examined declining fertility rates, delayed parenthood and rising fertility rates.Challenges of pregnancy and their impact on maternal health services. The speakers at the session were Dr. Rajni Mittal, senior gynecologist, Hindu Rao Hospital, and Dr. Urvashi Prasad, senior fellow, Pahal India Foundation and former director of NITI Aayog.The next session on “Affordable, Accessible, Accountable: Reimagining Maternal Care Finance” highlighted structural gaps in the ecosystem. Aviral Srivastava, Founder and CEO, MomKidCare, highlighted that government schemes cover delivery programs, but not the entire care journey. Dr. Vandana Prasad, Founding Secretary; Principal Technical Advisor, Public Health Resource Society (PHRS) discussed the realities like high teenage pregnancies in tribal areas and maternal deaths without proper audit.Professor (Dr) Indranil Mukhopadhyay, School of Government and Public Policy, OP Jindal Global University, highlighted stagnant National Health Mission funding and wide disparities in cesarean rates, primarily due to insurance incentives. Professor (Dr) Sunita Reddy, Center of Social Medicine and Community Health, JNU stressed the need to strengthen public systems that serve the majority. The panel described maternal care financing as a question of policy design as well as political will.After lunch, a masterclass on “Matrisense: The Missing Lens in Modern Maternity Care” by Natasha Uppal, Founder, Matrisense reframed motherhood as a profound developmental change rather than simply a medical event, urging both parents and providers to recognize its emotional and psychological dimensions.The first post-lunch panel, “Maternal Health Care Journeys: Stories of Strength and Hope,” brought grassroots perspectives. Dr. Monica Banerjee, Head- Monitoring, Evaluation, Accountability and Teaching, Mobile Creche; Pro. (Dr.) Nemthiangai Guite, Center for Social Medicine and Community Health, JNU; Richa S Sethi, a teacher and mother of a specially-abled child, and Stuti Srivastava, a mother of a one-year-old child and a legal professional, shared real-life experiences of challenges and community solutions, moderated by Dr. Urvashi Prasad.Following the session, a short talk by Gurpreet Kaur Sanyal, Founder of Momentum, discussed the hidden impact of grief on fertility, pregnancy and postpartum health.The final jury session on “Evaluation of Impact in Maternity Care” comprised Professor (Dr) Dinesh Kumar Yadav, Professor and Head, Department of Pediatrics, ABVIMS and Dr RML Hospital; Dr. Madhu Goyal, Director, Obstetrics and Gynecology, Fortis La Fame; Professor (Dr) Manju Puri, Senior Professor, Obstetrics and Gynecology, SGT University; and Professor (Dr) Surveen Ghuman Sindhu, Senior Director and Head, Center for IVF and Reproductive Medicine, Max Group of Hospitals.Jurors participated deeply in the extensive process involved in selecting winners for the awards, which included not only numbers, but also key aspects of respectful communication, family involvement, outcomes and the quality of care the patient received even when complications occurred. The Times Future of Maternity Awards 2026 recognized excellence in the maternity ecosystem with 22 winners across 13 categories.Ankura Hospitals received the Gold Medal for Best Mother and Child Hospital for comprehensive care. Other notable gold winners include Ajanta Hospital & IVF Center (Fertility and Reproductive Medicine), Femly’s Saloni Arora (Nutritionist of the Year), R for Rabbit and Himalaya Wellness (baby care brand), MSD for Mothers (Policy Impact), and Grogether (Innovation in Baby Gear).The summit was supported by nutrition partner Famly, supporting partners R for Rabbit and Ankura Hospitals, and exhibition partners Radcliffe Labs and GrowGather.

Chinese President Xi Jinping and US President Donald Trump (AP Photo)

“The military is in the clear.”US President’s comment donald trump He arrived almost casually and stood between his Chinese counterpart and the grand ceremony hosted by Xi Jinping in Beijing. Lines of Chinse soldiers stood in perfect formation. Red carpets were spread across the vast expanse of the Great Hall of the People. Children waved flags. Precision, discipline and power were on full display, not subtly, but deliberately, causing Trump to soften a bit from his usual approach.For a president who has often claimed that the US military is the “greatest and the best”, there was something different about Trump’s tone this time: praise mixed with recognition that the global military balance is no longer as lopsided as it used to be.For decades after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1990, Washington stood alone at the pinnacle of global power. America’s military dominance became the defining characteristic of the post-Cold War world. But in Beijing on Thursday, China appeared eager to send a message to Trump and the world that the era may be changing.During the visit, Trump repeatedly praised Xi, calling him a “great leader.” Yet behind the warm words and diplomatic smiles there was a deeper undercurrent: this was not just a state visit. It was a display of China’s confidence, military, technological and geopolitical.And Beijing didn’t stop at symbolism.Even as Trump received military honors, China’s message on Taiwan became extremely clear. Chinese officials warned that US involvement in Taiwan-related matters “could lead to US-China conflict.”This warning comes as tensions around Taiwan continue to increase. The self-ruled island, which is claimed by Beijing but backed militarily and politically by Washington, has fast become the most dangerous fault line in US-China relations.Taiwan retaliated strongly.Taiwan’s Defense Ministry accused China of “military oppression” and gray-zone operations around the island, saying “Beijing officials are currently the only threat to regional peace and stability.” It added that “Beijing has no right to make any claims on behalf of Taiwan at the international level.”But beyond Taiwan, another conflict has quietly revealed how modern geopolitical battles are evolving, and how China’s influence is already spilling over into the future of war.Trump’s military strike against Tehran under “Operation Epic Fury” put the Iran conflict into global focus. War-related reports have repeatedly pointed out that Chinese technology is playing a behind-the-scenes role in strengthening Iran’s military capabilities.The battlefield of the 21st century is no longer determined solely by the size of fighter planes, aircraft carriers or defense budgets. Increasingly, power is being measured through drones, AI systems, cyber capabilities, satellite navigation and precision technology.And in many of those areas, Beijing is increasingly emerging as a serious challenger to Washington.One symbol of that change is the BeiDou Navigation Satellite System, China’s answer to America’s GPS network. Iran has reportedly been using the BeiDou system since 2021 to deploy decoy systems capable of improving drone accuracy and complicating enemy targeting.That description may sound technical. But strategically it is very big.

Trump calm in Xi’s stage show

Trump, in China and in the presence of Xi Jinping, appeared notably more restrained than his usual approach with other world leaders, where he is often more confrontational.From calling Shehbaz Sharif to the mic for praise, gratitude and even publicly criticizing Volodymyr Zelensky over his attire, Donald Trump has often turned diplomatic meetings into headline-grabbing moments marked by sharp exchanges. But with Xi Jinping, the tone has changed.

Xi and Trump

Trump has repeatedly praised Xi as a “great leader”, alternating sharp comments with warm language and diplomatic smiles. Yet in a cordial atmosphere, the visit doubled as a carefully choreographed display of China’s military might, technological ambition and growing geopolitical confidence.

China is reshaping conflicts beyond its borders

This shows that China is no longer making weapons only for itself. Its technology is beginning to shape conflicts beyond its borders, being indirectly tested against US military systems in real-world combat situations.The contradiction is amazing.The United States still spends more on defense than any other country in the world. Meanwhile, China holds the largest position in the world Army. But modern warfare is increasingly becoming less about size and more about systems, controlling the algorithms, satellites, drones, data and artificial intelligence behind the battlefield.This is the real competition taking place in Beijing under carefully choreographed handshakes.Not just a rivalry between two countries. But there is a struggle over who will define the next era of global power.

Empty missile compartment behind superpower image

The Iran War exposed both the extraordinary strengths and growing weaknesses of the American military apparatus.US forces fired thousands of missiles, drones, and interceptors with remarkable accuracy during attacks on Iranian bases, command centers, military bases, and weapons facilities. Advanced systems such as Tomahawk cruise missiles, JASSMs, Patriot interceptors and THAAD air defense systems performed effectively.But the scale of the operation raised alarm bells even in strategic circles.According to CSIS’s assessment, the US stockpile of long-range precision munitions was under pressure even before the Iran conflict began. The war only intensified the shortage.The concern is particularly grave because a modern war against China would depend on exactly the same weapons.Unlike conflicts in the Middle East, a Pacific war would involve huge distances, heavily defended airfields, and heavy missile exchanges. In such a scenario, long-range strike systems become the backbone of military operations.

Problem? America may not have enough of these.The report said that the timeline for production of critical weapons is extremely slow. Some systems take three to four years to build. Replenishment of depleted arms and ammunition stocks is not a quick process.And while US officials publicly insist that the US still has overwhelming military power and is on top of defense spending, strategic analysts fear that a prolonged conflict could rapidly expose the shortfall.

China’s war machine is already on war footing

The speed at which China is expanding its military-industrial capabilities may further increase Washington’s concerns.According to the report, Beijing’s defense industry is already working with a wartime mentality. China is rapidly producing warships, submarines, missiles, aircraft, drones and cyber capabilities in almost every field of warfare.

And unlike the United States, which still faces procurement delays and political obstacles, China’s centralized system allows military production to scale up rapidly.The concern is no longer just about the number of tanks or fighter planes.Modern warfare has shifted toward drones, AI-enabled targeting, cyber systems, electronic warfare, satellite navigation, and autonomous platforms. China is moving forward aggressively in many of these sectors.The Iran conflict became a glimpse of that future.Reports on Tehran’s drone and missile operations repeatedly point to Chinese-linked technology. Iran’s use of the BeiDou navigation satellite system improved the accuracy of drones and enabled more sophisticated battlefield deception systems.

What once seemed futuristic is now becoming a working reality.Wars are being fought not only with bombs and bullets, but also with algorithms, autonomous systems and satellite networks.

Taiwan became the center of the storm

Taiwan is at the center of the US-China rivalry.During Trump’s visit to Beijing, China warned that mishandling the Taiwan issue “could lead to US-China conflict.” Meanwhile, Taiwan accused Beijing of being the “single threat to regional peace and stability”.

For military planners, Taiwan is no longer just a diplomatic flashpoint. This is the scenario around which the future Pacific war is increasingly being modeled.The CSIS report repeatedly highlights war-game simulations in which the US military eliminated a significant number of long-range missiles within the first week of the Taiwan conflict.Many simulations in Taiwan reportedly lost anti-ship missiles almost immediately.That discovery has strategists deeply concerned because China’s missile systems now threaten large parts of the Indo-Pacific, including US bases in Japan, Guam and the Philippines.U.S. aircraft carriers and destroyers, once symbols of unmatched American power, are now seen as increasingly vulnerable when within China’s missile range.

‘Hellscape’ era of war

The Pentagon’s answer to this growing challenge is an emerging concept known as “hellscape.”The idea is simple but dramatic: turn the Taiwan Strait into a vast maze of drones, underwater systems, unmanned attack vehicles (UAVs) and autonomous weapons that would make any Chinese invasion exceptionally costly.Rather than relying solely on expensive fighter planes or huge warships, the strategy focuses on “precision mass”, large numbers of cheap drones and unmanned systems working together.

Military planners believe that future wars will not be won simply by the side with the largest navy or air force, but by the side able to produce and maintain the largest numbers of smart, expendable systems.And here again, China’s manufacturing strength becomes central.The report also warns that the United States and Taiwan may need hundreds of thousands of drones and unmanned systems in any long-lasting Indo-Pacific conflict.The scale was more like industrial warfare than conventional military operations.

America’s industrial wake-up call

Perhaps the most shocking finding of the CSIS report is not about missiles or submarines, but about factories.The report argued that wars between great powers are ultimately won by industrial capacity.It pointed to America’s historic mobilization during World War II and the Cold War, when presidents like Franklin D. Roosevelt and Dwight D. Eisenhower turned the country into a defense production giant.Today, the fear surrounding Uncle Sam remains just as significant because it no longer has the same momentum or industrial urgency.Aircraft maintenance problems, excessive naval deployments, weak Pacific bases and delays in weapons production all point to a stressed system.The report calls for a wartime effort to modernize industrial mobilization efforts, accelerate defense manufacturing, strengthen supply chains, and rapidly expand production of drones, missiles and air defense systems.Because under Beijing’s diplomatic maneuvers, strategic competition is no longer just about who has the stronger military today.It is about who can face the next war tomorrow.