1.1) Since the signing of the treaty, Pakistan has consistently used its dispute resolution provisions as a strategic tool to delay and effectively hinder development rather than as a genuine dispute resolution.Almost every significant hydropower project proposed by India on western rivers – even projects explicitly permitted under the terms of the treaty – has faced formal Pakistani objection, technical challenge or reference to arbitration.All the projects including Baglihar, Kishanganga, Pakal Dul and Tulbul have been facing Pakistani challenges for a long time.In many cases, Pakistan has acknowledged the potential benefits of Indian projects for regulated water flows – including flood control – while also opposing them.This pattern suggests that Pakistani objections are not really about treaty compliance; They are about preventing Indian development in Jammu and Kashmir, regardless of the legal merits.1.2) The ‘water war’ narrative and its deployment: Pakistan has exploited India’s consistent compliance with the treaty to construct and spread an international narrative portraying India as a potential ‘water aggressor’.Pakistani officials, academics and diplomatic channels, citing the same treaty which India has scrupulously respected, have repeatedly raised apprehensions of ‘weaponizing water’ by India against Pakistan.This narrative – presenting the upper littoral zone as a threat – has proven remarkably effective among international audiences unfamiliar with the treaty’s history.Pakistan has used it to generate diplomatic pressure, attract multilateral sympathy, and impede India’s ability to assert its legitimate treaty rights.The singular irony of this strategy is that India has not committed a single violation of the treaty – not during the 1965 war, not during the 1971 war, not during the Kargil conflict of 1999 and not at any other point in the sixty-five years of operation of the treaty.India has maintained compliance, while Pakistan has used its territory to conduct state-sponsored terrorism against India.2. Results for India2.1) Unrealized Development Potential: Treaty constraints have had measurable lasting consequences for India’s development in the Indus Basin.Vast areas of Rajasthan and parts of Punjab that could have been irrigated remain dry or depend on alternative, more expensive water sources.The loss of agricultural productivity over six decades represents an incalculable economic loss.2.2) Hidden Hydropower Potential of Jammu and Kashmir: The impact on Jammu and Kashmir has been particularly acute. The union territory lies along the western rivers and has vast, largely untapped hydropower potential.The development of that capability is hindered at every turn by the treaty’s design restrictions, Pakistan’s systematic objections, and the continued risk of multi-tiered, long-drawn-out dispute resolution mechanisms.Local populations have increasingly come to view the treaty not as a framework for shared benefits but as a means of furthering their own economic marginalization – an external imposition that prevents them from developing the natural resources flowing from their territory.2.3) Energy Security Implications: India’s inability to optimally develop the hydropower potential of western rivers has direct implications for national energy security.The treaty’s restrictions mean that the potential – as a clean, renewable and economically efficient energy source – has been completely sacrificed due to Pakistan’s strategic constraint on even the limited rights India has in this asymmetric agreement.3. Case of India: The purpose of the treaty was to achieve “the most complete and satisfactory use of the waters of the Indus River System” in “the spirit of goodwill and friendship” – a reference that no longer exists.Treaties derive their validity not only from the force of law but from the good faith implementation of their terms by all signatories.Pakistan’s documented and persistent use of state-sponsored terrorism as a tool of foreign policy against India – culminating in atrocities including the 2001 Parliament attack, the 2008 Mumbai attacks and most recently the April 2025 Pahalgam attack – fundamentally challenges the very foundation on which India’s continued compliance with the IWT depends.Bilateral agreements cannot be respected selectively. A state cannot simultaneously violate fundamental norms of inter-state conduct while demanding that its negotiating partner fulfill treaty obligations that disproportionately benefit the norm-breaker.This treaty cannot be an island of Indian compliance in an ocean of Pakistani ill-will. India’s move represents a long-awaited assertion – that international agreements are a two-way street.4. Conclusion: The Indus Waters Treaty has long been celebrated as a triumph of international diplomacy.This paper argues that such a characterization fundamentally misrepresents what actually happened: a negotiation process in which Pakistani assertiveness was rewarded with concessions, and Indian goodwill was systematically exploited to produce an agreement that was inequitable from its inception.Yet, India surrendered 80 percent of the waters, paid £62 million (about $2.5 billion in current values) to facilitate that surrender, accepted unilateral operational restrictions on its territory, and has maintained faithful compliance for sixty-five years – including waging multiple wars by Pakistan and sponsoring cross-border terrorism.In return, India has got a well-intentioned treaty that Pakistan uses as a tool of developmental obstruction, a ‘water war’ narrative that it enforces internationally without any factual basis, and permanent underdevelopment of vast tracts of Indian territory.India’s move is to protect its legitimate interests in the Indus Basin. This is not aggression; This is a long-awaited reform of an asymmetric system based on goodwill that has never been reciprocated.For those who ask why the treaty has now been put on hold, it would be useful to remember that there is never a wrong time for the right decision.

New Delhi: Actor turned leader VictoryTVK has stepped up preparations to form the government in Tamil Nadu as it has emerged as the largest party, but missed crossing the majority mark by 10 seats.Reportedly, TVK is seeking support from smaller parties like Congress, PMK, Left parties, CPM and VCK, who together can help the party cross the majority mark.TVK chief Vijay also sought time to meet Tamil Nadu Governor Rajendra Arlekar as part of the government formation process.Here’s what’s happening in Tamil Nadu:Congress jumped off the plane?News agency PTI, quoting sources, has reported that Tamil Nadu Congress has decided to support the formation of a secular government in the state. The decision to support TVK was taken at an urgent meeting of the Political Affairs Committee (PAC) of Tamil Nadu Congress late on Tuesday night.AICC in-charge of Tamil Nadu affairs Girish Chodankar had called a committee meeting to decide on supporting TVK.According to sources, the meeting was called on Zoom and senior members expressed their views in favor of supporting the actor-turned-politician.“The PAC of Tamil Nadu Congress unanimously decided to support TVK leader Thiru Vijay to form a secular government in Tamil Nadu,” sources said.Earlier in the day, Congress claimed that Vijay had sought its support to form the government in the state and said its leadership has directed the state unit to take a final decision on the matter keeping in mind the sentiments of the state.The party with which the alliance contested the assembly elections DMKasserted that the mandate in the southern state is for a secular government and that he is “committed to not letting the BJP and its representatives run the government of Tamil Nadu in any way.”DMK takes a jibe at Congress as a ‘back stabber’Tensions rose within the secular progressive alliance, as the DMK called the Congress a “back stabber” amid growing speculation of the oldest party in Tamil Nadu supporting TVK.DMK spokesperson Saravanan Annadurai on Wednesday launched a scathing attack on the Congress, calling the decision “short-sighted” and accusing it of “backstabbing” the Indian faction’s partners.“I think this is a very short-sighted, short-sighted stance taken by the Congress, which they will regret. Big elections are coming in 2029, where we were confident that we will be able to remove BJP. But now this decision of Congress has made them a very unstable partner. There is a perception across the country that Congress cannot be trusted.”Rift within AIADMKMeanwhile, discontent seems to be brewing within the AIADMK, as a faction is putting pressure on the leadership to support Vijay in forming the government.Reports suggest that there is a faction within the AIADMK that is keen to support Vijay and his party. There have also been reports that these MLAs are not very happy with the leadership of Edappadi Palaniswami.TVK, which stands at 108 in the 234-member Tamil Nadu Assembly and just 10 short of the half-majority mark of 118, is more likely to forge an alliance with smaller parties like the Congress and the Left Front.TVK MLAs have been accommodated in luxury resortsMeanwhile, 108 victorious TVK MLAs, including MLAs from far-flung areas, have been put up at a private luxury resort in Mamallapuram on Wednesday.This arrangement came after a meeting with party leader Vijay. To ensure security, heavy police force has been deployed around the resort and surveillance has been increased.Over 50 MLAs are currently staying at the Four Point Star Hotel in Poonjeri, Mamallapuram, and more TVK MLAs are expected to arrive during the day. The party continues to strategize for post-poll developments.Whatever be the government formation, the coming days will be decisive. Be it a TVK-Congress understanding, a broad alliance of smaller parties, or some combination of the two, the TVK era has come, but the form of its government remains to be seen.

New Delhi: Opposition leader Rahul Gandhi on Wednesday launched a front against the Bharatiya Janata Party, claiming that every sixth of the 240 BJP MPs has won through vote theft.In a social media post on Twitter, Rahul accused BJP of keeping institutions in its pockets.Rahul said, “Sometimes votes are stolen to extract seats, and sometimes to form the entire government. Of the 240 BJP MPs in the Lok Sabha, almost every sixth MP has won through vote theft. It is not difficult to identify them – should we call them ‘infiltrators’ in BJP parlance? And Haryana? There, the entire government is infiltrators.”“The institutions that they have in their pockets, that tamper with voter lists and the electoral process – they themselves are ‘remote-controlled’. Their real fear is the truth. Because if there had been fair elections, they would not have been able to win even 140 seats today.”Rahul Gandhi’s reference to “theft of mandate” appeared to echo allegations made by Mamata Banerjee, who claimed that “more than 100 seats were stolen” in the state, a charge rejected by the BJP.Earlier, Mamata Banerjee alleged that the BJP had “looted” more than 100 seats and termed the Election Commission as “BJP’s Commission”, terming the victory as “immoral” and “illegal”.A day earlier, Rahul had cautioned party colleagues and other opposition leaders against celebrating the defeat of Trinamool Congress in West Bengal and termed the election result as a major threat to Indian democracy.Without taking names, Rahul Gandhi said, “Some and others in the Congress are celebrating TMC’s defeat. They need to understand this clearly: The theft of the mandate of Assam and Bengal is a major step by the BJP in its mission to destroy Indian democracy.”Urging political parties to move beyond electoral rivalries, he said, “Keep petty politics aside. This is not about one party or the other. This is about India.”

New Delhi: A day after the Bharatiya Janata Party’s historic victory in the West Bengal Assembly elections, state party president Samik Bhattacharya on Tuesday urged the administration to take strict action against those indulging in post-poll violence.Speaking to reporters, Bhattacharya warned that BJP workers found involved in such activities would be expelled from the party.“Post-poll violence will not be tolerated in any form. If anyone from our party is found involved in it, we will be forced to remove them,” he said.He said, “I would like to urge the administration to take necessary action wherever such incidents occur. This is why the people of West Bengal have elected the BJP.”He also accused TMC workers of attacking their own candidates.He said, “Two hours after the results, a TMC candidate called Dilip Ghosh asking him to come to his rescue. Dilip Ghosh asked him for his address, to which he said he was in the party office. He told the candidate that they were with him during the elections.”He said, “The candidate said that they are TMC people but now they are coming to beat him. This was bound to happen. TMC is not a political party.”Meanwhile, news agency PTI reported that a high-level meeting was held at the BJP’s Bidhannagar office to discuss measures to prevent violence and maintain law and order in the post-result scenario, which was attended by central observers and senior state leaders.The discussion also focused on ensuring that there is no repeat of the violence reported after the 2021 assembly elections, when the BJP accused the ruling Trinamool Congress of targeting its workers.The BJP has secured 207 of the 293 seats that went to polls, securing a two-thirds majority and paving the way for its first government in West Bengal. Trinamool Congress has won 80 seats.

New Delhi: Big political figures faced defeat in the latest round of assembly elections, with voters in West Bengal, Tamil Nadu and Kerala “voting for change”, with more than 50 ministers – including two sitting chief ministers – from other states and one union territory sidelining several high-profile challengers.The shock was felt the most in West Bengal. A total of 22 ministers of the TMC government lost their seats, including CM Mamata Banerjee, who faced assembly defeat for the second consecutive time. Banerjee lost in Bhawanipur to Suvendu Adhikari, the same opponent who defeated her in a close contest in Nandigram in 2021.This defeat extends inside the cabinet. Thirteen cabinet ministers, including Banerjee, lost, as did five ministers of state with independent charge. Prominent names who failed to retain their seats include Swapan Debnath, Pradeep Kumar Majumdar, Bratya Basu and Arup Biswas.A similar dramatic churning was seen in Tamil Nadu also. CM MK Stalin lost the Kolathur seat, which he held since 2011, to TVK’s VS Babu. The election setback hit 14 other ministers in his cabinet, including Finance Minister Palanivel Thiaga Rajan and Education Minister Anbil Mahesh Poyyamozhi.In Kerala, CM Pinarayi Vijayan retained his Dharmadam seat, but 13 of his ministers lost, including Health Minister Veena George and Education and Labor Minister V Sivankutty.Other prominent losers were Deputy Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha Gaurav Gogoi, who was defeated by BJP’s Hitendra Nath Goswami in Jorhat assembly constituency by a margin of 23,182 votes. Attempting to take on Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma while trying to maintain the political legacy of his father, three-time Assam CM Tarun Gogoi, he was unable to convert his parliamentary presence into victory at the state level.Overall, the results underlined a broad anti-incumbency wave, indicating that voters were willing to decisively reset the political equations across all regions.

Amit Shah and Suvendu Adhikari (Image/ANI)

New Delhi: Fielding Suvendu Adhikari – who defeated the CM Mamata Banerjee In his constituency, Nandigram, in 2021 – it was only the beginning of the Union Minister against him in Bhabanipur Amit ShahA determined effort to defeat the TMC supremo in her own backyard. What followed was tough groundwork and precise execution of focused management, which ultimately led to his stunning downfall, leading to the collapse of his party in Bengal – Suvendu’s giant-killing feat was the most dramatic upset in the elections. But behind the headlines was a lot of ‘quiet work’ done under Shah’s watch. Sources in the know in the BJP say that the Home Minister was determined to make every possible effort to defeat Mamata in her stronghold, as she had prepared the way for BJP’s victory.

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With the belligerent Suvendu proving unsuccessful, Shah planned to prepare a dedicated team for Bhabanipur to ensure effective implementation of his strategy. Every night he spent in Kolkata, he held meetings entirely focused on this seat, said a source close to the BJP campaign.Read this also Iron barrier fell, path to Mamata Banerjee’s house opened for publicThe constituency had about 25,000 Gujarati voters and 21,000 Marwari voters, the balancing communities, Shah met their groups separately and they shared their views, an informal dinner provided a cordial atmosphere. These communities alleged that TMC members resorted to strong-arm tactics to prevent them from voting in earlier elections and that fake votes were often cast in their names. “He said that if his society was provided security, they would be able to vote freely. Shah ensured that security arrangements were made at every such place,” a BJP functionary said.

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Shah’s team also appointed a dedicated booth-level in-charge at each booth in Bhawanipur. His job was twofold – to flag any internal rifts within the party and to report any TMC threats on the ground. Shah’s personal goal was to get all BJP workers to vote before 11 am and then work to ensure maximum turnout for the party. BJP members, including MLAs from other states with whom different communities may belong, were also deployed. Through the SIR process, around 47,000 names were removed from the voter list in Bhabanipur – these were either dead voters or duplicate entries which the TMC alleged were exploited to cast fake votes. Eventually all efforts came together and Mamata suffered a crushing defeat by over 15,000 votes, which very few people had expected, although she alleged that the elections were stolen from her and her party through undemocratic means.