Why will BJP and JDS keep a close eye on DK Shivkumar government?

New Delhi: D.K shivkumar The era has begun in Karnataka. CongressThe biggest troublemaker has finally arrived as the Chief Minister of his state – a dream he cherished and worked for for years. Shivakumar took the oath of office in the name of the revered saint “Gangadhar Ajja” while holding a copy of the Constitution in his hands. His promotion comes after a long wait, but it has the potential to change the political dynamics in the state. Karnataka Congress chief stakes claim to the top post for the first time in 2023 after leading the party to a record victory BJP In the assembly elections. However, the Congress high command then favored Siddaramaiah’s experience and asked Shivakumar to wait for his turn under a rotational power-sharing arrangement.

karnataka assembly 2023 results

The fact that the Congress high command managed to ensure a smooth transition of power despite hurdles has put the grand old party in a strong position ahead of the 2028 assembly elections in the state. The Congress will hope that this leadership change will help the party counter the anti-incumbency wave, if any, against the Siddaramaiah government.But this leadership change is not just about countering the anti-incumbency wave. It is also about how the change in caste equations with this leadership change could affect the success of political parties in the state.It is no surprise that the BJP and JD(S) would be closely watching the 64-year-old Vokkaliga Congress stalwart serving as the Chief Minister. The Congress move forces both the parties that hold the opposition spot in the state to go back to their drawing boards and rework their strategies and balance the caste factor ahead of the 2028 assembly elections.

Why can the rise of Shivkumar become a headache for BJP?

For the BJP, Shivakumar’s promotion could potentially disrupt the strategy the party has spent years building in Karnataka.State politics has long revolved around two dominant communities – the Lingayats and the Vokkaligas. Simply put, they hold the keys to power. Members of both these groups have held the post of Chief Minister more times than any other community in the history of Karnataka, making them central to every party’s electoral calculations.While the BJP’s strength has traditionally come from the Lingayat belt, especially under BS Yediyurappa, its expansion plans depended on making deep inroads into the Vokkaliga-dominated old Mysuru region.This was basically the reason behind BJP’s alliance with JD(S). The BJP’s strategy was clear: it would bring in its Lingayat support base, while helping the HD Deve Gowda and HD Kumaraswamy-led JD(S) garner Vokkaliga votes. Together, the alliance was expected to form a coalition capable of challenging the Congress across southern Karnataka. But the elevation of Shivakumar, one of the state’s most influential Vokkaliga leaders, as chief minister complicates that calculation.Shivakumar gave the Congress something that its rivals would have loved that it did not have, a powerful Vokkaliga face not only part of the party but actually holding the top post in the state. His rise comes at a time when the BJP is carefully balancing its caste equations. The party appointed Vokkaliga leader R Ashok as the leader of the opposition while handing over the state unit chairmanship to Lingayat leader BS Yediyurappa’s son BY Vijayendra. The message was clear: a Lingayat would lead the organization and a Vokkaliga would lead the fight against the government.Now that Shivkumar is in the Chief Minister’s chair, the balancing process may have to be changed.The concern within a section of the BJP is that it may be difficult to consolidate support for the NDA in southern Karnataka because of a Vokkaliga chief minister. There is also a possibility that the Congress may want to further expand its social alliance by reaching out to sections of the backward classes and Dalits, who may be disappointed with Siddaramaiah’s departure.For a BJP that was hoping to expand beyond its traditional strongholds, Shivakumar’s rise presents a new challenge.

How will JD(S) now be forced to protect its core support base

And while the BJP has the caste balance in check, its ally Janata Dal (Secular), led by former Prime Minister HD Deve Gowda and his son HD Kumaraswamy, faces a real challenge.The party has considered the Vokkaliga-dominated Old Mysuru region as its impregnable fortress. The community, which is one of the most powerful agrarian and socio-political factions in Karnataka, has traditionally stood behind the Deve Gowda clan, seeing them as the ultimate guardians of Vokkaliga pride.However, Shivakumar being the Chief Minister directly threatens this monopoly as he is no longer just a political challenger but now has the authority as Chief Minister to woo the community with his administrative decisions. The JD(S) now needs to rework the strategy to protect its core voter base from a formidable, incumbent Vokkaliga CM who has the state machinery, necessary resources and a point to prove. This becomes even more challenging given the fact that JD(S) has been on a decline for some time now.In the 2023 assembly elections, the party won just 19 seats and secured around 13% vote share, in sharp contrast to the Congress, which came to power with 135 seats. It is noteworthy that the Congress has made big gains in many parts of the old Mysore region, which has been a JD(S) stronghold for years.The rivalry between Shivakumar and Kumaraswamy has also intensified in the last few years. The two leaders have repeatedly locked horns, with Kumaraswamy accusing the Congress of trying to weaken the JD(S) politically, while Shivakumar has rejected the claims, saying the regional party remains indispensable in Karnataka politics.The JD(S), which had shared power with the Congress in the past, now has a task ahead of it. There is a need to formulate a strategy to ensure that Chief Minister DK Shivakumar does not marginalize the party in state politics. DK Shivakumar, on the other hand, will have to prove that his governance skills are as good as his crisis management skills. The Congress stalwart, who has spent years building his image as a skilled organizer capable of delivering victories and protecting the party in its toughest moments, will now have to show that he too can lead the party successfully.

Ritabrata Banerjee (file photo)

Escalating the crisis within the Trinamool Congress (TMC) to a bigger level, expelled party leader Ritabrata Banerjee on Wednesday claimed that Assembly Speaker Rathindra Bose has recognized him as the leader of the opposition in the West Bengal Assembly and accepted the rebel camp’s claim for legislative party status.Addressing a press conference, Banerjee said the rebel faction represented the “real and main opposition” in the assembly and announced a new leadership structure. He named Javed Khan, Sandipan Saha, Sabina Yasmin and Shiuli Saha as deputy leaders of the legislature party.The development comes as 58 rebel MLAs submitted letters of support to the Speaker, easily crossing the two-thirds threshold required under the anti-defection law for the breakaway faction to avoid disqualification. The group has proposed Banerjee as the legislature party leader and Akhruzzaman as the chief whip.In an open challenge to the authority of TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee, the rebels stopped short of directly confronting the former chief minister. Mamata Banerjee. Banerjee said he wants Mamata Banerjee to serve as the chief advisor of the legislature party, while the rebel camp continues to recognize her as the party president.The rebellion, which began after TMC’s defeat in the recent assembly elections, is widely seen as the biggest internal challenge the party has faced since its formation. In response, TMC has dissolved all organizational committees across West Bengal and announced a review of its party structure.

Who is the face of Ritabrata Banerjee? rebellion in tmc?

Ritabrata Banerjee’s emergence as leader of the rebel camp marks another dramatic turn in a political career defined by sharp ideological shifts and frequent clashes with the party establishment.The 46-year-old first rose to prominence as the general secretary of the Students Federation of India (SFI), the student wing of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), and was considered one of the most promising young leaders of the Left. In 2014, he entered the Rajya Sabha with the support of CPI(M) and was considered close to senior leaders including Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee and Sitaram Yechury.However, he was suspended and ultimately expelled from the CPI(M) in 2017 due to allegations of indiscipline and factionalism, bringing an abrupt end to what many in the party saw as a promising political career.After a brief period on the political sidelines, Banerjee moved closer to TMC and formally joined the party in 2020 after the completion of her Rajya Sabha term. Within the party, he quickly regained his influence, leading the Indian National Trinamool Trade Union Congress (INTTUC), securing another Rajya Sabha seat in 2024 and later winning election to the assembly.His rise within the TMC made his role in the current rebellion particularly influential. Banerjee, once seen as part of the party’s inner circle, is now leading the biggest internal challenge the party has faced since its formation, with the rebel camp claiming the support of 58 MLAs and control of the legislature party.“This is perhaps the only prominent politician from Bengal who has been expelled by both CPI(M) and TMC,” quipped a veteran political observer quoted by PTI.The developments have been compared to the 2022 political turmoil in Maharashtra under the leadership of Eknath Shinde, where legislative power became the basis for a challenge to the party leadership.

New Delhi: Internal rebellion Trinamool Congress The dispute between the (TMC) has deepened since last week, with rebel MLAs supporting expelled leader Ritabrata Banerjee for the post of leader of the opposition and it being compared to the Shiv Sena split in Maharashtra.But a closer look reveals that the rebellion may be less challenging Mamata Banerjeeand much more about questioning the leadership of and the growing authority of his nephew and political successor, Abhishek Banerjee.At first glance, this development appears to be a direct challenge to the TMC leadership. A group of rebel MLAs have questioned the validity of the party’s decision-making process, accusing the leadership of preparing a proposal on the appointment of the leader of the opposition and openly flouting the official line.Yet the rebels have been careful about one thing: they have avoided attacking Mamata Banerjee herself.Even after his expulsion, Ritabrata Banerjee has not presented himself as a rival to the TMC supremo. Instead, their fight focuses on how decisions are being taken within the party and who is exercising authority in the name of Mamata Banerjee.The letter submitted by the rebel camp to Assembly Speaker Rathindra Bose reportedly recognizes Mamata Banerjee as its leader, even as it challenges the party’s official position on the opposition leadership.The immediate trigger of the crisis explains this clearly.A controversy erupted over the appointment of the opposition leader after TMC national general secretary Abhishek Banerjee informed the Speaker about the party’s decision. Ritabrata Banerjee and Sandipan Saha challenged that process, alleging that no such resolution was passed in the legislature party meeting and that many signatures were fake.Therefore, the controversy is not about Mamata Banerjee’s leadership. This is on the authority exercised by Abhishek Banerjee and the functioning of the organization under him.

Notably, even TMC’s defense on the appointment of Leader of Opposition focuses on the communication made by Abhishek Banerjee to the Speaker. Party leaders have repeatedly argued that his letter is the only valid document before the Assembly, putting Abhishek at the center of the confrontation.This is why the latest developments may be seen by many as a proxy fight over succession.For years, Abhishek Banerjee has been widely seen as the political successor to Mamata Banerjee. He has emerged as the key strategist, chief campaigner and organizational face of the party after Mamata. As his influence grew, concerns grew among sections of the older leaders who felt that they were increasingly sidelined.The current rebellion appears to have brought those tensions out into the open.After the party expelled Ritabrata Banerjee, he pointed out the sharp difference between Mamata and Abhishek. “The party has expelled me, but I believe I am still with TMC…Abhishek Banerjee is a nobody in the 18th West Bengal State Legislative Assembly,” he told reporters.However, when he was asked about Mamata Banerjee, his tone was completely different.“Mamata Banerjee is a big leader. I may have been expelled from the party, but I have not lost respect for her.” She’s still my leader,” he said.Ritabrata also made fun of Abhishek’s political troubles after his election defeat and the subsequent signature controversy. Referring to the protests against the TMC leader, he quipped to reporters: “At least people are not shouting ‘thief, thief’ at me.”However, his criticism of Abhishek was not triggered by the current crisis.In recent months, Ritabrata has emerged as one of Abhishek Banerjee’s most vocal internal critics. He questioned the increasing role of advisors and strategists in party affairs and criticized excessive centralization of decision making.Following the party’s electoral setback, he publicly expressed concern over whether a handful of advisers had become more influential than grassroots leaders. Although Abhishek was not always named directly, the criticism was widely interpreted as targeting the leadership structure associated with him.This helps explain why the rebels’ confrontation is centered on decisions conveyed by Abhishek Banerjee rather than Mamata Banerjee herself.The political mathematics may also seem obvious.Mamata Banerjee remains the party’s biggest mass leader and most recognizable face. Challenging him directly risks alienating a large section of TMC workers and supporters.For dissident leaders, challenging Abhishek allows them to present their revolt not as a revolt against the party founder, but as a fight against a leadership style, an organizational model and, ultimately, a succession process that has intensified after the assembly election defeat.This is what makes the current crisis important.Regional parties across the country have often struggled during succession changes. Bal Thackeray and the NCP’s internal fight over succession ultimately led to the Shiv Sena’s split, with Sharad Pawar showing how questions of inheritance can quickly become questions of power.It appears that TMC is now facing its own version of that dilemma.Now the question before the party is not whether Mamata Banerjee remains its undisputed leader. There seems to be very little disagreement on that issue.The more important question is whether Abhishek Banerjee can achieve the same level of acceptance across the organisation.The answer will determine whether the current rebellion remains an isolated act of dissent or becomes a broader challenge to the party’s organizational structure and succession planning.

“Whatever you can say that is true about India, the opposite is also true.” The old Joan Robinson line still works because India have a way of defeating neat summaries. Most national averages come with broad patterns, outliers, and caveats.The latest sample registration system data is one such mirror. The SRS, India’s official large-scale system for tracking births and deaths, gives annual estimates of fertility and mortality. At first glance, the headline number is simple: India’s fertility has fallen below replacement level. But a closer look reveals a more unequal country. Some parts of India are already in the low fertility zone. Some of it is still above replacement. Cities are reducing fertility on a large scale, but urban Bihar is not following this scenario. Higher-order families are having fewer children, but the social consequences of smaller families are just beginning. Fewer infants are dying, but the first weeks of life remain a danger zone. And while births are now much more frequent within the hospital system, deaths are not.For years, the policy conversation moved between two extremes, fear of too many births and celebration of a young workforce. A youth population can become a dividend only if it is properly trained and empowered. Meanwhile, populations with low fertility bring their own demands, such as pensions, care for the elderly, chronic disease treatment and migration plans. Both have their own challenges.We look at five data points from the SRS data that shed light on various such issues.

averageness hides anxiety

India’s total fertility rate, or TFR, is now 1.9. TFR means the average number of children a woman is expected to have in her lifetime, based on current fertility rates. India’s TFR in 2014 was 2.3. Rural India has come down from 2.5 to 2.1. Urban India has gone from 1.8 to 1.5. In demographic language, India is below replacement fertility. To put it plainly, the baby boom is over.But the national average is just the beginning. Bihar is still at 2.9. Uttar Pradesh is at 2.6. Madhya Pradesh is at 2.4. Rajasthan is at 2.3. Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand are at 2.2. Delhi, a city-state, sits at the other end of the spectrum at 1.2. The World Bank has warned that South Asia is not creating enough jobs for its working-age population, especially youth and women. When above-replacement fertility is concentrated in a few poor states of India, the policy challenge is obvious.

Bihar exception

The second data comes from urban India, where a different story emerges. The common belief is that once people move to cities, families become smaller because parents want to invest more in fewer children. Across India, this overarching story persists. Urban India’s average general fertility rate, or GFR, fell from 61.2 births per 1,000 women aged 15-49 in 2012-14 to 51.0 in 2022-24. GFR measures the number of live births in a year per 1,000 women in the reproductive age group of 15–49 years. Here, live births means children born alive, which is the basis used to calculate fertility and mortality rates.But Bihar has broken this pattern. During the same period, the average GFR of urban Bihar increased from 75.9 to 77.5. One year’s data makes the difference even more stark. In 2024, the GFR of urban Bihar was 80.3, while that of urban India was 49.8.

birth ladder is getting thinner

The third innings is less surprising, yet perhaps the most important. In 2014, 43% of live births in India were first-born children. By 2024, their number will rise to 66.4%. Third and higher order births fell from 25.9% to 10.8%. The fourth or higher birth rate fell from 10.8% to 3.5%.This does not mean that every family is stopping at one or two children. This means that the births that are taking place now are similar to the first and second births. The old ladder, third child, fourth child, fifth child, is getting thin. This is a much bigger social change than it first appears. Fewer children means parents invest more in each child. Education becomes a heavy condition. The underlying assumption that children will automatically become old age security for parents also begins to weaken.

The first week remains a matter of concern

The fourth number is about survival. Here India has made real progress.Infant mortality rate to decline from 39 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2014 to 24 in 2024. Infant mortality rate, or IMR, means the number of deaths of children under one year of age per 1,000 live births. Rural infant mortality rate fell from 43 to 27. The urban infant mortality rate fell from 26 to 17. The mortality rate for children under five fell from 45 to 28. The under-five mortality rate, or U5MR, means deaths before the age of five per 1,000 live births. These are not mere statistics. They mean that children who once would have died are now alive.But the first week is the most worrying part.

In 2014, 52% of infants died in the first week. In 2024 it was 52.7%. This means that, of the infants who die before turning one year old, more than half die in the first week. Infant mortality rates have declined in India, but those deaths that do occur still occur near birth. World Health Organization It is said that the first month of life is the most sensitive period for a child’s survival. UNICEF describes the first 28 days, known as the neonatal period, as the most vulnerable time for a child’s survival. India’s data fits that global warning.

Hospitals see births, miss deaths

Number five is the most frightening. It’s about how many deaths went unnoticed. At birth, the system is now in place. In 2014, 78.5% of live births received delivery care in government or private hospitals. By 2024 this will increase to 95.4%. Delivery in government hospitals increased from 52% to 71.7%.At the time of death, the system is much less visible. In 2014, 42.6% of deaths had medical assistance sought in government or private hospitals before death. In 2024 this figure was 40.2%. The category of “untrained workers, no medical care and others” increased from 22.4% to 45.5%.Now the chance of a baby being born under hospital care is much higher than that of a person dying under hospital care. WHO’s civil-registration framework states that information on births, deaths, and causes of death is central to public-health planning. If death occurs outside of formal care, the system may forget not only the person but also the cause.As India moves into its next phase of growth as one of the world’s largest economies, many issues will require high-level attention. The SRS, like all good data, is merely a reflection. What India wants to see in this will decide what happens next.

Atishi criticized Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over limited bank options on the portal (Image credit: ANI)

Former Delhi Chief Minister and current Delhi Assembly member LOP Atishi has criticized the CBSE revaluation process, alleging that students are facing difficulties due to limited payment options on the board’s revaluation portal.In a post on X, Atishi claimed that payment for revaluation can currently be made only through State Bank of India (SBI), Canara Bank, Bank of Baroda or Indian Bank.“Another day… another achievement by @dpradhanbjp… After the late launch of the CBSE revaluation portal, students have now learned that payment can be made only through SBI, Canara Bank, Bank of Baroda or Indian Bank.“So if a student or their parents do not have an account in these banks, they cannot apply for revaluation! The Prime Minister and his Cabinet have taken mismanagement to new heights”This criticism comes after concerns were raised about the delayed launch of the CBSE revaluation portal amid the OSM tender controversy.The controversy escalated when students started reporting smudged answer sheets, missing pages, mismatched scanned copies and frequent glitches during the revaluation process.Opposition targeted BJP Other opposition leaders Aditya Thackeray and Kapil Sibal also criticized the central government’s handling of the CBSE controversy following the transfer of the board chairman and secretary.Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Thackeray questioned whether the transfer of the two officers was a “major action” by the BJP government, calling it inadequate.Meanwhile, senior lawyer and Rajya Sabha MP Kapil Sibal described the episode as a “CBSE failure” and alleged that the government was “blaming the small fish and saving the big fish.”He questioned why the alleged irregularities, including claims related to the controversial contract, were not being investigated and asked where agencies like CBI and ED were in this matter.CBSE says the website is being improvedProviding updates on the CBSE verification and revaluation portal, officials said the platform is currently supporting around 14,000 concurrent users and over 28,000 successful submissions have been recorded till 10 pm.A post on

New Delhi: Annamalai Kuppusamy (K Annamalai), who not long ago BJPIts biggest face and its biggest hope in Tamil Nadu has left the party. The former IPS officer, who joined the BJP in 2020 and led the party in the state like never before, is all set to form his own “regional organisation” as he feels being part of a national party “hinders his development”.“According to reports, Annamalai is in Delhi and has thanked all his party chiefs, including Amit Shah, while submitting his resignation, although a formal announcement is yet to be made. Some in the BJP expect a U-turn, but sources close to Annamalai claim that the former IPS officer has moved on and wants to “put his plans into action.”Annamalai has also submitted a detailed report analyzing what went wrong for the BJP in the 2026 elections and has reportedly told top BJP leaders how she was “sidelined” in the party. While the formal separation is happening now, the ground for this separation was laid ahead of the 2026 assembly elections when the BJP abandoned Annamalai’s vision for the party in Tamil Nadu.So, what went wrong?To understand this, let us step back and look at Annamalai’s spectacular rise in the BJP.The BJP, which had been struggling to find its place and relevance in Tamil Nadu politics for years, found a ray of hope in Annamalai. The former IPS officer, who left his job in May 2019 and was working for social welfare through his NGO “We the Leader Foundation”, wanted to enter politics to “bring about a change in the system”. Interestingly, BJP was not Annamalai’s first choice as he wanted to start his political innings with Rajinikanth. But when the superstar’s political plans failed, Annamalai chose the BJP – a party which he said “had a nationalist outlook and a merit-based platform.”Annamalai joined BJP in 2020. Although he lost the 2021 assembly election from Aravakuruchi constituency, he helped the BJP win 2 seats in the western region of the state.The BJP immediately realized Annamalai’s potential and within a year he was made the state party chief. Once firmly in power, Annamalai led his ‘En Man En Makkal’ (My Land, My People) march across Tamil Nadu in 2023, taking the BJP’s popularity to a new high. There was such optimism and hope in the exercise that the top national leadership of the BJP graced it. While Amit Shah inaugurated the 200-day padayatra covering all 234 assembly constituencies in the state, Prime Minister Narendra Modi ended it with a massive public address in February 2024.The publicity and hope generated by Annamalai’s padayatra may have convinced the BJP to part ways with its ally. AIADMK And choose to contest alone in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections in Tamil Nadu. The highlight of Annamalai’s political aggression was his sharp and vocal criticism of Dravidian politics and its symbols. Despite the alliance with the AIADMK, he did not spare their leaders either – a factor that ultimately played a significant role in the alienation between the allies. Annamalai’s padayatra took the BJP’s vote share in Tamil Nadu to a record high of 11.38% in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. This was a huge jump from the 3.62% figure the party got in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. But unfortunately, the increase in votes did not translate into seats and the BJP could not open its account for the second consecutive Lok Sabha election. In the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, BJP won 1 seat with 5.56% vote share.This probably prompted the BJP to rethink about its ties with the AIADMK and despite Annamalai’s very strong objections – the alliance was revived ahead of the 2026 assembly elections in the state. And it sidelined the former IPS officer, who was later removed as state BJP chief to appease the party’s Dravidian ally.AIADMK sets conditions for BJP in 2026 assembly elections. The regional party ensured that Annamalai was not only removed from the post of state BJP chief but also had no role in deciding candidates for the assembly elections. Annamalai stayed away and did not contest the 2026 assembly elections. Complete dominance of Annamalai in 2023 was transformed into almost complete isolation in 2026. However, on May 4, when the results were declared, Annamalai was proved right and the BJP’s alliance experiment with the AIADMK failed miserably. The saffron party could win only one seat in the assembly. But the former state president still remained silent.Annamalai’s first voice of dissentWhen Annamalai openly hit out at the Union Education Ministry over its notification making three languages ​​compulsory for Class IX students for the first time in six years, it was the first clear sign of an impending rebellion and led to speculation about her possible exit from the party.On May 15, CBSE issued a notification to all affiliated schools to introduce the third compulsory language for class IX students from the current academic year, pushing back the earlier scheduled deadline of 2029-30.Responding to the move, Annamalai wrote on Expecting a ninth grade student to learn a new language in such a short period of time will only put pressure on children and affect their overall learning outcomes.“The fact that he decided to make public his differences with the BJP on language policy, which has always been a sensitive issue in Tamil Nadu, was a sign that he wanted to chart his own course.Although Annamalai may not have openly rebelled, his move to resign does not come as a surprise. Ultimately, his efforts to ensure a distinct identity for the BJP in Tamil Nadu were ruined when the Delhi leadership insisted on an AIADMK alliance in the 2026 assembly elections.An experiment aborted too early?For the BJP, Annamalai’s exit would mean a fresh start in Tamil Nadu. While Annamalai was not leading the state BJP in either of the two assembly elections held during his tenure, his active presence had energized the party. Annamalai was made the BJP Tamil Nadu chief after the 2021 assembly elections, in which the BJP won 4 seats with 2.62% vote share. He stepped down as head of state in 2025, a year before the 2026 assembly elections in which the party’s tally slipped to 1 with a marginal increase in vote share at 2.99%. With Annamalai’s exit, the BJP will be wary of a possible exodus of local leaders and workers from the party.The fact that the people of Tamil Nadu voted overwhelmingly for budding politician Vijay and his party TVK shows that there was room for a new experiment in Tamil Nadu. BJP started on that path with Annamalai but abandoned it midway. Though Annamalai is nowhere close to Vijay’s fan following in the state, the truth is that the former IPS officer, often fondly referred to as “Singham”, had enjoyed a good amount of popularity among the youth of the state. No wonder the “what if” question will continue to haunt both the BJP and Annamalai.But for the BJP – it was perhaps a Hobson’s choice – to go ahead with its Annamalai experiment or join hands with its old ally, the AIADMK, and form an anti-DMK front. In the end it chose its old ally, leaving Annamalai no option but to leave the alliance. Ironically, the same aggression that made him popular within and within the BJP became the reason for his leaving the party.