More than a decade ago, when Masooma Ranalvi First to speak publicly about being subjected to circumcision (the local term for female genital mutilation) fgm) at the age of seven, he helped bring the practice within the Dawoodi Bohra community in India into the national spotlight. As the Supreme Court resumes hearing in the long-pending case in which he is a petitioner, fresh evidence from Kerala is also widening the debate beyond the Bohra community. Ranalvi, founder of WeSpeakOut, spoke Mahua Das On why she believes the fight in India could enter a new phaseHas there been any change in the way the court views FGM?It felt different. Even before this, a three-judge bench – Justices Dipak Misra, Chandrachud and Khanwilkar – had made very positive comments. Before the issue moved into religious territory, he raised questions about bodily integrity and talked about child rights. This time, the main issue before the nine-judge bench is the conflict between Articles 25 and 26 of the Constitution – religious freedom of the individual versus the right of a sect to manage its own religious practices. We submitted that when a child is subjected to physical alteration and mental suffering in the name of religious observance, it enters into constitutional and criminal scrutiny. On this, Justice Bagchi commented that as far as FGM is concerned, the words ‘health’ and ‘public health’ may suffice. What we are expecting is a recognition from the court that this is a child rights violation, a criminal act, and something that affects physical integrity. If this happens, it will create pressure within the community and on the government to change policy, run awareness campaigns, educate doctors, support survivors and spread awareness about the harms of FGM. It also gives courage to those in the community who are still struggling.The FGM petition has now taken years to wrangle between constitutional benches and questions related to religious practices. What does this lengthy legal bind mean for survivors and activists on the ground?This is an excellent question because no one cared what happened in the intervening seven years. We were really disappointed. More importantly, the practice continued and many girls suffered something that probably could have been avoided had the case been heard earlier. Nobody really sees the urgency of the issue. This is irreparable damage to a child’s body. There should be no room for something like this in a modern society that claims to care about the rights of women and children. Also, the delay forced us to regroup and rethink our strategies. We realized that this is an uphill battle because we are up against a very powerful religious hierarchy, politically and economically. They have made every effort to stop progress on this issue. So, we began to look outward, learn from global movements, and build coalitions. FGM exists in 94 countries and there is conflict everywhere. In Africa, 29 countries have laws against FGM. Last year, WHO released updated guidelines for health workers after almost a decade. Type III infibulation (the most severe type of FGM) receives the most attention, but there are other forms, including notching and pricking.How are Indian groups connecting with the growing Asian network you have created around FGM?Over the past five years, we have been building alliances and learning from each other. An important aspect of this network is that it is telling the world that FGM is not just an African issue. It is also present in many parts of Asia. But in most places, religion is used as justification for maintaining this practice.For years, FGM was seen solely as a Dawoodi Bohra issue. What prompted WeSpeakOut to look into reports of FGM emerging from Sunni communities in Kerala?There were whispers about this practice in Kerala and parts of Tamil NaduBut there was no direct evidence or survivor testimony. Then, around 2017, there came a story about the Kozhikode clinic and a survivor who talked about it. There was a huge reaction against him. After this the matter cooled down again. But we decided to explore it further. Evidence is almost impossible to obtain. In the Bohra community, some of us came forward and gave interviews, so the conversation started. However, our yet-to-be-released exploratory study provides enough evidence to show that more research, data collection, and intervention strategies are needed.What differences did you notice in Kerala compared to the Bohra context?The biggest difference is age. In the Bohra community the age limit is around seven years. In Kerala, FGM is performed around the 40th day after birth. At that age, the area involved is so small that even skilled surgeons will struggle. The possibility of damage to the clitoris is very high. The other difference is who does it. In Kerala, it is the ‘Osathi’ community, women from the barber community traditionally do this work. There are also clinics in some places which points to increasing medicalization. Women survivors talked about difficult sexual experiences, but they did not necessarily connect them to the FGM they had undergone. This understanding comes much later when you begin to understand the function of the clitoris.After working on this issue for over a decade, do you see more Bohra parents choosing not to subject their daughters to circumcision, even if they don’t say so publicly?Absolutely. Wherever we have been able to reach out to women through talks, literature, campaigns or media coverage, it has had a positive impact. But there are still many women who have not heard or engaged in these debates, especially in small towns and rural areas of Maharashtra, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh where many Bohras live. There is also another section which openly says that this is their belief and their right, and they want this practice to continue. That’s why outreach matters. The more conversations there are, the more likely it is that this practice will decrease over time.